Executive Summary
The following report is the result of a research project by the Volunteer Activists Institute about the situation of civil society
in Iran and its prospects. The research phase of the project was conducted between September 2017 and May 2018
and covers a variety of Iranian civil society organizations (CSOs) such as women’s NGOs, environmental NGOs,
youth NGOs, social pathology NGOs, charities, workers unions, and journalists’ associations. The main purpose of
this research was to explain the current situation of Iranian CSOs, the challenges and restrictions they face, as well as
highlight the position of CSOs in Iranian society (opportunities and threats), understand dominant trends in Iranian civil
society, and outline its future prospects.
This research paper is made up of 11 chapters on the following topics:
→ Methodology and Research Procedure
→ Historical Analysis of Iranian Civil Society in the Last Four Decades
→ Situation Analysis of Civil Society in Iran
→ Mapping of Civil Society
→ Restrictions of Civil Society in Iran: Freedom and Autonomy of CSOs
→ Civil Society Main Actors and Builders
→ Driving and Restraining Forces of Civil Society in Iran
→ Influential Trends Within and Around Civil Society
→ Strategic Concerns of Civil Society Leaders and Activists
→ Future Scenarios for Civil Society in Iran
Main Findings of the Research Project
The main findings of this research can be listed as followed:
→ Civil society in Iran has various facets and faces, and it is not coherent and homogeneous. One of its facets
is its instrumentalization, which is very effectively at work in rescue work and services. One can find both traditionally
structured as well as modern associations here, including charities and health- and hygiene-related CSOs. This branch
of civil society has a long history and enjoys an extensive social base. They are politically apathetic and usually adapt
to government policies and programs. The government also favors this branch and encourages its expansion and
development. Another aspect of civil society is its use as a domination tool. Iranian government uses civil society as yet
another domination tool along with other suppressive measures and its ideological apparatus in order to legitimize its
policies and plans. The most important feature of this aspect is to marginalize independent civil society, occupy civil
spheres, and advance government policies. Presently, this version of civil society controls vast public spheres in Iranian
society. The third facet of civil society is its acting as a force of emancipation and equality in society. This aspect of
civil society is based on the premise that civil society is a social force for change based on principles of justice, nondiscrimination,
and non-violence. This is the face of a civil society that is aware of its socio-political responsibility and
strives for a shift from civil society in itself to civil society for itself. The dominant discourse of this facet of civil society is
democracy, human rights, and peacebuilding, and its main mission is to protect citizen and union rights and advance
associational life in society.
→ Under Rouhani’s government, civil society evolves in a top-down, greenhouse style and is being harnessed as
a technical toolkit for domination and advancement of government policies. As a result, we have seen a growth in the
number of such instrumentalized CSOs in fields like women, youth, and the environment, whereas the formation and
establishment of associations and trade unions or independent social movements for women, students, or workers is
prohibited. In other words, civil society as a social force that drives change and transformation is not accepted, and
like the governments before him, Rouhani’s government follows two main strategies against independent civil society;
suppression and marginalization as well as replacement of independent CSOs and associations with quasi-governmental
ones.
→ The biggest challenge to this aspect is the lack of autonomy and freedom to establish and operate associations
and civil society organizations in Iran as well as government interference with their every procedure, thus stalling the
formation of associational life. Using legal as well as illegal mechanisms, the government blocks their activities, their
access to free exchange of information, and freedom of speech, and outlaws citizens’ and associations’ rights to public
gatherings and demonstrations.
→ The legal system of the Islamic Republic of Iran is a preventive system requiring permission before action. In other
words, citizens must observe certain rules before they can enjoy their rights and liberty. With regard to CSOs, this system
entails that in order for CSOs to acquire the status of a legal entity, citizens need to fulfill two prerequisites: 1. obtain an
operating license from relevant authorities, and 2. register the CSO in the National Registry Bureau of Companies and
Non-Commercial Organizations. The first step is a prerequisite for the second one, which opens a window of opportunity
for government institutions to manipulate and interfere with the establishment and operation of CSOs.
→ A significant development of Iranian civil society in recent years has been the emergence of a new generation
of civil activists in fields such as women’s rights and youth. Although the numbers are not large, the new generation has
taken upon itself to expand civil society and challenge government policies on matters such as social pathology and
women’s rights. They have launched a number of creative civic initiatives, both online and offline, such as I am Urmia
Lake 2, which mobilized huge efforts to prevent the Urmia Lake from completely drying out, Wall of Kindness 3, which
created spaces (walls) across neighborhoods where citizens would hang unneeded clothes for those in need to take,
Changing the Masculine Face of the Parliament 4, a campaign to shine light on the scarcity of women MPs and to get
more women elected to parliament, Girls of Enqelab Street 5, a spontaneous and unorganized women’s protest against
compulsory hijab, etc. These movements pursue a bottom-up model of civil society. A significant characteristic of this new
generation of activists is their civic courage and audacity, which has successfully torn into the power myths of the past.
→ Online and virtual social networks are an important asset for Iranian civil society. Despite the enormous
censorship apparatus of the Islamic Republic, Iranian citizens have been increasingly attracted to social networks and
have been using them to exchange news and information, initiate civic actions, and communicate. Expansion of virtual
social networks in Iran has given civil activists a unique opportunity to pursue their rightful civic actions. Instagram and
Telegram are the two applications and platforms most used by Iranians in general and activists, in particular. Telegram has
a double significance for activists as it not only serves as the most prominent media channel of blocked or marginalized
groups in society, thus breaking the news monopoly of the regime, but it also connects members of various circles and
social groups regardless of time and geography. These types of connectivity reinforce civil society and strengthen the
foundation of democracy.
→ This cumulative growth of social protests such as labor and syndicate protests in Iran in recent years, which has
been increasing since Rouhani’s inauguration in 2013, is now an undeniable trend in Iranian society. Although many of
such protests lack organization and proper execution, they indicate a general discontent with authorities as well as the
government’s inability to meet its citizens’ social demands. A growing number of sit-ins and gatherings against poverty,
discrimination, unemployment, and extensive embezzlement and corruption of authorities indicate a general discontent
in society, stemming from various groups and different directions.
→ Iranian civil society is made up of various actors and players. The intellectual middle class, religious and secular
intellectuals, and reformist groups encourage and advocate an expansion of civil society towards a dynamic, democratic,
and development-oriented society. On the other hand, restraining forces such as the clergy, anti-modernity intellectuals,
leftist and orthodox Marxist-Leninist intellectuals, some of whom have a powerful social base, work hard to undermine
civil society and stir a phobia of civil society.
→ Considering the future prospects of civil society and the range of capabilities of Iranian CSOs, their current
situation in Iran, the driving and restricting forces, as well as main trends in civil society, we can predict five possible
different scenarios for Iranian civil society by 2020:
1. The collapse and dissolution of Iran
2. A military takeover of power centers and the formation of a security state
3. A continuation of the current situation
4. A socio-political and economic reformation
5. The collapse of the Islamic regime and transition to a democratic system
According to activists and thinkers interviewed for this study and opinions collected in two different strategic meetings
Volunteer Activists held with activists from Iran in the last two years, scenarios 2, 3 and 4 are more probable than 1
and 5.
Preface
It has now been four decades since civil society organizations entered the socio-political life of Iranian society after the
1979 Revolution. Throughout these years, and under the influence of the dominant discourse of each period as well
as general conditions of the country, Iranian civil society has seen ebbs and flows. The 2013 Presidential election and
inauguration of a new President opened a new window of opportunity for civil society after eight years of suppression
and destruction. Social hope is returning to society, and socio-political forces are returning to the social arena. Civil
activists are seeking to resuscitate demolished social networks and reconstruct Iranian civil society. The present study is
a research project by Volunteer Activists Institute with the aim of recognizing and understanding Iranian civil society in
recent years, its position in Iranian society, its restrictions and challenges, as well as its prospects.
Volunteer Activists1 is an independent non-profit, non-governmental, and non-political institute seeking to build capacity
among activists and organizations of civil society, facilitating free exchange of knowledge among activists, and advocating
democracy, human rights, and peace building within Iranian society and communities in the MENA region. This research
project follows the mission statement of the Volunteer Activists Institute, and the findings and recommendations presented
here serve to support the freedom to establish and operate such associations, form international networks for exchange
of knowledge and experience, as well as design capacity building programs for Iranian civil society organizations
(CSOs). We hope that with the support of global civil society networks as well as Iranian socio-political forces, Iranian
civil activists and CSOs can secure autonomy and the freedom to respond to their stakeholders. We hope that our work
here is helpful for democratization processes in Iranian society.
1 www.volunteeractivists.nl/en
Table of Contents
Preface
Executive Summary
Main Findings of the Research Project
1. Methodology and Research Procedure
Methodology and Data Collection
Limitation of Representation in this Analysis
Defining Civil Society
2. Historical Analysis
3. Civil Society Main Actors and Builders
Government
Civil Activists and Social Forces
Political Parties and Groups
Private Sector
United Nations’ Agencies in Iran
International Organizations and Overseas Iranian CSOs
4. Mapping of Civil Society in Iran
Topical Map of CSOs in Iran
Geographical diversity map of CSOs
Sensitiity and risk factor of CSOs in various fields
5. Situation Analysis of Civil Society in Iran
Political Environment
Social Environment
Cultural Environment
Economic Environment
International Environment
6. Restrictions of Civil Society in Iran: Freedom and Autonomy of CSOs
Autonomy of Civil Society Organizations
Legal Criteria
Financial Criteria
Freedom to Establish and Operate a Civil Society Organizations
Field Examples from Restrictions on Establishing and Operation of CSOs
Labor Unions and Worker Associations
Journalists’ Association
Teachers’ Association
Student Associations
Environmental NGOs
Women NGOs
7. Driving Forces and Restraining Forces Reshaping Civil Society
Driving Forces behind Iranian Civil Society
Cultural Middle Class
Journalists, Bloggers and Social Network Activists
Civil Activists and Social Movements
Reformist Groups and Religious Intellectuals
Secular and Democratic Intellectuals and Groups
The Private Sector
Overseas Iranian Civil Activists
International Organizations
Restraining Forces Opposing Civil Society In Iran
Civil Society Organizations dependent on the Government
Bureaucracy
Traditional Conservative Groups
Traditional Conservative Groups
Islamic Seminaries and Disciples of Mesbah Yazdi
Clergy and Friday Prayer Imams
Anti-Western Intellectuals and Fardid Circle of Intellectuals
Orthodox Leftist Groups
Traditional Bazar
Basidj Militia
Supreme Leader and Dependent Institutions
8. Influential Trends within and around Civil Society
Emergence of a New Generation of Civil Society Activists
Reification of Social Relations
Growth of Social, Labor and Union Protests
Expansion of Civil Society as a Technical Instrumental instead of Civil Society as a Social Force
Constant Violation of Freedom of Associations
Continuous Citation, Arrest and Imprisonment of Civil Society Activists and “Starred” Students
9. Strategic Concerns of Civil Society Leaders and Activists
Transitioning from a Weakened and Disjointed Civil Society to a Strong and Coherent One
Counteracting Government Policy of Building a Quasi-Governmental Civil Society
Creating an Appropriate Legal Foundation for Civil Activism and Associational Life
Encouraging Peace-Building and Democratization
Representing Stakeholder Groups and Holding the Government Accountable
Promoting Associational Life, Coalition and Online/Offline Social Networks
Fostering an Efficient Capacity Building Strategy for Activists and NGOs
10. Future Scenarios for Civil Society in Iran
11. Recommendations
References
Civil Society in Iran and its Future Prospects
